000			03639cam a22005534a 4500
001			5143
003			The World Bank
006			m d
007			cr cn|||||||||
008			020129s2009 dcu i001 0 eng
024	8		_a10.1596/1813-9450-5143
035			_a(The World Bank)5143
100	1		_aAndrabi, Tahir
245	1	0	_aWhat Did You Do All Day ? _h[electronic resource] : _bMaternal Education and Child Outcomes / _cAndrabi, Tahir
260			_aWashington, D.C., _bThe World Bank, _c2009
300			_a1 online resource (42 p.)
520	3		_aFemale education levels are very low in many developing countries. Does maternal education have a causal impact on children's educational outcomes even at these very low levels of education? By combining a nationwide census of schools in Pakistan with household data, the authors use the availability of girls' schools in the mother's birth village as an instrument for maternal schooling to address this issue. Since public schools in Pakistan are segregated by gender, the instrument affects only maternal education rather than the education levels of both mothers and fathers. The analysis finds that children of mothers with some education spend 75 minutes more on educational activities at home compared with children whose mothers report no education at all. Mothers with some education also spend more time helping their children with school work; the effect is stronger (an extra 40 minutes per day) in families where the mother is likely the primary care-giver. Finally, test scores for children whose mothers have some education are higher in English, Urdu (the vernacular), and mathematics by 0.24-0.35 standard deviations. There is no relationship between maternal education and mother's time spent on paid work or housework - a posited channel through which education affects bargaining power within the household. And there is no relationship between maternal education and the mother's role in educational decisions or in the provision of other child-specific goods, such as expenditures on pocket money, uniforms, and tuition. The data therefore suggest that at these very low levels of education, maternal education does not substantially affect a mother's bargaining power within the household. Instead, maternal education could directly increase the mother's productivity or affect her preferences toward children's education in a context where her bargaining power is low.
650		4	_aAccess and Equity in Basic Education
650		4	_aBenefits of education
650		4	_aEarly Childhood Development
650		4	_aEducated mothers
650		4	_aEducation
650		4	_aEducation for All
650		4	_aEducational activities
650		4	_aEducational attainment
650		4	_aEducational outcomes
650		4	_aFemale education
650		4	_aLearning
650		4	_aLearning environment
650		4	_aLearning outcomes
650		4	_aLow levels of education
650		4	_aMaternal Education
650		4	_aOlder children
650		4	_aPrimary data
650		4	_aPrimary Education
650		4	_aPrimary schooling
650		4	_aPublic schools
650		4	_aReading
650		4	_aSchool hours
650		4	_aSchooling
650		4	_aSchools
650		4	_aYouth and Government
700	1		_aAndrabi, Tahir
700	1		_aDas, Jishnu
700	1		_aKhwaja, Asim Ijaz
776	1	8	_aPrint version: _iAndrabi, Tahir. _tWhat Did You Do All Day ? _dWashington, D.C., The World Bank, 2009
830		0	_aPolicy research working papers.
830		0	_aWorld Bank e-Library.
856	4	0	_uhttp://elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/book/10.1596/1813-9450-5143
999			_c23646 _d23646