The Syllable in Optimality Theory.

By: Féry, CarolineContributor(s): Vijver, Ruben van deMaterial type: TextTextPublisher: New York : Cambridge University Press, 2003Copyright date: ©2003Description: 1 online resource (429 pages)Content type: text Media type: computer Carrier type: online resourceISBN: 9781139146319Subject(s): SyllabicationGenre/Form: Electronic books.Additional physical formats: Print version:: The Syllable in Optimality TheoryDDC classification: 415 LOC classification: P236 .S93 2003Online resources: Click to View
Contents:
Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Contributors -- Preface -- PART ONE INTRODUCTION -- 1 Overview -- 1.1. The Central Role of the Syllable in Phonology -- 1.1.1 How OT Sheds Light on the Syllable -- 1.1.2 How the Syllable Sheds Light on OT -- 1.2. Overview of the Content -- 1.2.1 Syllable Structure and Prosodic Structure -- 1.2.2 Nonmoraic Syllables and Syllable Edges -- 1.2.3 Segmental Properties of Syllables -- 1.2.4 How Concrete Is Phonotactics? -- REFERENCES -- PART TWO SYLLABLE STRUCTURE AND PROSODIC STRUCTURE -- 2 Sympathy, Cumulativity, and the Duke-of-York Gambit -- 2.1. Introduction -- 2.2. Vacuous Duke-of-York Derivations -- 2.2.1 The Core Cases -- 2.2.2 Variations -- 2.2.3 Summary -- 2.3. Feeding Duke-of-York Derivations -- 2.3.1 Introduction -- 2.3.2 Review of Putative Examples -- 2.3.3 A Feeding Duke-of-York Interaction in Bedouin Arabic -- 2.3.3.1 Overview of Traditional Analysis -- 2.3.3.2 The Prosodic Basis of Trisyllabic Deletion -- 2.3.3.3 OT Analysis of Bedouin Arabic -- 2.4. Sympathy and Opacity -- 2.5. Sympathy and Cumulativity -- 2.5.1 The Problem -- 2.5.2 The Solution -- 2.6. Cumulativity, Faithfulness, and Syllable Structure -- 2.6.1 Overview of the Issue -- 2.6.2 Grammatically Conditioned Contrast -- 2.6.3 Phonologically Conditioned Contrast -- 2.6.4 Contrasts in Quantity and Syllabicity -- 2.6.5 Summary -- 2.7. Conclusion -- APPENDIX: SYMPATHY, CUMULATIVITY, AND HARMONIC ASCENT -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 3 The Controversy over Geminates and Syllable Weight -- 3.1. Introduction -- 3.2. Sinhala -- 3.2.1 Data -- 3.2.2 Optimality-Theoretic Analysis -- 3.2.3 Genitive Allomorphy and the Nonmoraic View of Geminates -- 3.3. The Nonmoraic View of Geminates within Optimality Theory -- 3.3.1 Evidence from Leti against the Moraic Representation of Geminates.
3.3.2 Stress Evidence Against the Moraic Representation of Geminates -- 3.4. Conclusion -- REFERENCES -- 4 The Syllable as a Unit of Prosodic Organization in Japanese -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. Asymmetries in Syllabic Organization -- 4.2.1 Lengthening and Shortening Patterns -- 4.2.2 Loanword Truncation -- 4.2.3 Zuzya-go Formation -- 4.2.4 Mother-Baby Language -- 4.2.5 Sporadic Lengthenings and Shortenings -- 4.2.6 Emphatic Mimetics -- 4.3. Related Asymmetries -- 4.3.1 Compound Formation -- 4.3.2 Baseball Chanting -- 4 .4. Concluding Remarks -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 5 Prosodic Weight -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. English: Light and Heavy Syllable Nuclei -- 5.3. Mordwin: Preferred and Dispreferred Loci of Stress -- 5.4. Old Church Slavonic: Lowering of Jer Vowels in Strong Positions -- 5.5. Asheninca: The Impact of the Prosodic Word -- 5.6. Concluding Remarks -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- PART THREE NONMORAIC SYLLABLES AND SYLLABLE EDGES -- 6 Syllables and Moras in Arabic -- 6.1. CV-, VC-, and C-dialects -- 6.2. Semisyllables -- 6.3. Overview of the Analysis -- 6.4. Initial Geminates -- 6.5. Sonority, Syllabicity, and Epenthesis -- 6.6. Opaque Shortening of Medial CVVC -- 6.7. Summary -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 7 Semisyllables and Universal Syllabification -- 7.1. Introduction -- 7.2. Semisyllables -- 7.3. Georgian Consonant Clusters -- 7.3.1 Harmonic Clusters -- 7.3.2 The Status of [v] -- 7.3.3 Headless Syllables: Nepveu 1994 -- 7.3.4 Analysis -- 7.4. Polish Clusters -- 7.4.1 Data and Previous Analyses -- 7.4.2 Semisyllable Analysis -- 7.5. Bella Coola -- 7.5.1 Basic Data -- 7.5.2 Unsyllabified Segments: Bagemihl 1991 -- 7.5.3 Semisyllable Analysis -- 7.6. Conclusion -- 7.6.1 Stress and Semisyllables -- 7.6.2 Cross-Linguistic Variation -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 8 Onsets and Nonmoraic Syllables in German -- 8.1. Syllable Structure -- 8.2. Onsets.
8.2.1 Data -- 8.2.2 An OT Analysis -- 8.3. [g] after the Dorsal Nasal -- 8.3.1 Data -- 8.3.2 Optimality-Theoretic Analysis -- 8.4. [h] -- 8.4.1 Data -- 8.4.2 OT Analysis -- 8.5. Glottal Stop -- 8.6. Conclusion -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 9 Extrasyllabic Consonants and Onset Well-Formedness -- 9.1. Introduction -- 9.2. Sonority Restrictions at Syllable Contact: Icelandic -- 9.3. Extrasyllabic Consonants in Word-Initial Position: Attic Greek -- 9.4. Syllabification and Epenthesis in Munster Irish -- 9.5. Summary -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 10 Beyond Codas -- 10.1. Introduction -- 10.2. Theoretical Framework -- 10.3. Aligning Edges to Consonants and Vowels -- 10.3.1 ALIGN-R(Phrase, C) -- 10.3.2 ALIGN-R(Phrase, V) -- 10.3.3 ALIGN-R(PW, C) -- 10.3.4 ALIGN-R(PW, V) -- 10.4. Toleration of Input: Extrametricality as Alignment -- 10.4.1 ALIGN-R(Sigma, V) -- 10.4.2 COMPLEX -- 10.5. Conclusions -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- PART FOUR SEGMENTS AND SYLLABLES -- 11 On the Sources of Opacity in OT -- 11.1. Introduction -- 11.2. Coda Conditions as [M&M] Conjunctions -- 11.3. [M&F] Conjunctions and Opacity -- 11.3.1 Opaque Interactions I: Cluster Simplification and Devoicing -- 11.3. 2 Nonsolutions to Opacity -- 11.3.3 Opacity as a Constraint Conjunction Effect -- 11.3.4 Opaque Interactions II: Spirantization and Devoicing -- 11.4. Conclusion -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 12 Ambisyllabicity and Fricative Voicing in West Germanic Dialects -- 12.1. Introduction -- 12.2. Frisian -- 12.2.1 Fricative Voicing in Frisian: Facts -- 12.2.1.1 The Regular Pattern -- 12.2.1.2 Exceptions -- 12.2.2 A Solution Based on Ambisyllabicity -- 12.2.2.1 The General Pattern -- 12.2.2.2 Long Consonants and Exceptions within a Morpheme -- 12.2.2.3 Fricatives at the End of a Morpheme -- 12.2.2.4 Fricatives in the Coda and in the Word-Initial Onset -- 12.2.3 Moras -- 12.2.4 Conclusion and Remaining Issues.
12.3. Other West Germanic Dialects -- 12.3.1 Thurgovian German -- 12.3.2 Roermond Dutch -- 12.3.2.1 Basic Patterns and Possible Exceptions in Intervocalic Contexts -- 12.3.2.2 The Word-Initial Position -- 12.3.2.3 The Roermond Dutch Pattern -- 12.3.3 Standard Dutch -- 12.4. Conclusions -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 13 The CiV-Generalization in Dutch -- 13.1. Introduction -- 13.2. The CiV-Generalization -- 13.2.1 Tense and Lax Vowels in Dutch -- 13.2.2 The Data -- 13.2.3 Why the CiV-Generalization Is in Need of Closer Scrutiny -- 13.2.3.1 Sievers's Law in Dutch -- 13.2.4 Markedness -- 13.3. The Analysis of CiV-Data -- 13.4. Two Alternative Approaches -- 13.4.1 CiV and the Issue of Tenseness versus Length -- 13.4.2 An Alternative Based on Morpheme Structure Constraints -- 13.5. Conclusion -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 14 The Relative Harmony of /s+Stop/ Onsets -- 14.1. Introduction -- 14.2. The Sonority Sequencing Principle and Optimality Theory -- 14.3.The Typology of Obstruent Clusters -- 14.4. Conclusion -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- PART FIVE HOW CONCRETE IS PHONOTACTICS? -- 15 The Independent Nature of Phonotactic Constraints -- 15.1. Introduction -- 15.2. Where Syllable-Based Phonotactics Fail -- 15.3. Phonotactic Patterns and Emergent Universals -- 15.3.1 Laryngeal Features -- 15.3.2 Place Features -- 15.3.3 Extensions of Place Distribution -- 15.4. The Nature of Phonotactic Constraints -- 15.5. Phonotactic Constraints in Optimality Theory -- 15.5.1 Constraint Violability -- 15.5.2 Toward a Theory of Markedness -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- Author Index -- Languages Index -- Subject Index.
Summary: This 2003 book covers the role of the syllable in Optimality Theory.
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Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Contributors -- Preface -- PART ONE INTRODUCTION -- 1 Overview -- 1.1. The Central Role of the Syllable in Phonology -- 1.1.1 How OT Sheds Light on the Syllable -- 1.1.2 How the Syllable Sheds Light on OT -- 1.2. Overview of the Content -- 1.2.1 Syllable Structure and Prosodic Structure -- 1.2.2 Nonmoraic Syllables and Syllable Edges -- 1.2.3 Segmental Properties of Syllables -- 1.2.4 How Concrete Is Phonotactics? -- REFERENCES -- PART TWO SYLLABLE STRUCTURE AND PROSODIC STRUCTURE -- 2 Sympathy, Cumulativity, and the Duke-of-York Gambit -- 2.1. Introduction -- 2.2. Vacuous Duke-of-York Derivations -- 2.2.1 The Core Cases -- 2.2.2 Variations -- 2.2.3 Summary -- 2.3. Feeding Duke-of-York Derivations -- 2.3.1 Introduction -- 2.3.2 Review of Putative Examples -- 2.3.3 A Feeding Duke-of-York Interaction in Bedouin Arabic -- 2.3.3.1 Overview of Traditional Analysis -- 2.3.3.2 The Prosodic Basis of Trisyllabic Deletion -- 2.3.3.3 OT Analysis of Bedouin Arabic -- 2.4. Sympathy and Opacity -- 2.5. Sympathy and Cumulativity -- 2.5.1 The Problem -- 2.5.2 The Solution -- 2.6. Cumulativity, Faithfulness, and Syllable Structure -- 2.6.1 Overview of the Issue -- 2.6.2 Grammatically Conditioned Contrast -- 2.6.3 Phonologically Conditioned Contrast -- 2.6.4 Contrasts in Quantity and Syllabicity -- 2.6.5 Summary -- 2.7. Conclusion -- APPENDIX: SYMPATHY, CUMULATIVITY, AND HARMONIC ASCENT -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 3 The Controversy over Geminates and Syllable Weight -- 3.1. Introduction -- 3.2. Sinhala -- 3.2.1 Data -- 3.2.2 Optimality-Theoretic Analysis -- 3.2.3 Genitive Allomorphy and the Nonmoraic View of Geminates -- 3.3. The Nonmoraic View of Geminates within Optimality Theory -- 3.3.1 Evidence from Leti against the Moraic Representation of Geminates.

3.3.2 Stress Evidence Against the Moraic Representation of Geminates -- 3.4. Conclusion -- REFERENCES -- 4 The Syllable as a Unit of Prosodic Organization in Japanese -- 4.1. Introduction -- 4.2. Asymmetries in Syllabic Organization -- 4.2.1 Lengthening and Shortening Patterns -- 4.2.2 Loanword Truncation -- 4.2.3 Zuzya-go Formation -- 4.2.4 Mother-Baby Language -- 4.2.5 Sporadic Lengthenings and Shortenings -- 4.2.6 Emphatic Mimetics -- 4.3. Related Asymmetries -- 4.3.1 Compound Formation -- 4.3.2 Baseball Chanting -- 4 .4. Concluding Remarks -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 5 Prosodic Weight -- 5.1. Introduction -- 5.2. English: Light and Heavy Syllable Nuclei -- 5.3. Mordwin: Preferred and Dispreferred Loci of Stress -- 5.4. Old Church Slavonic: Lowering of Jer Vowels in Strong Positions -- 5.5. Asheninca: The Impact of the Prosodic Word -- 5.6. Concluding Remarks -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- PART THREE NONMORAIC SYLLABLES AND SYLLABLE EDGES -- 6 Syllables and Moras in Arabic -- 6.1. CV-, VC-, and C-dialects -- 6.2. Semisyllables -- 6.3. Overview of the Analysis -- 6.4. Initial Geminates -- 6.5. Sonority, Syllabicity, and Epenthesis -- 6.6. Opaque Shortening of Medial CVVC -- 6.7. Summary -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 7 Semisyllables and Universal Syllabification -- 7.1. Introduction -- 7.2. Semisyllables -- 7.3. Georgian Consonant Clusters -- 7.3.1 Harmonic Clusters -- 7.3.2 The Status of [v] -- 7.3.3 Headless Syllables: Nepveu 1994 -- 7.3.4 Analysis -- 7.4. Polish Clusters -- 7.4.1 Data and Previous Analyses -- 7.4.2 Semisyllable Analysis -- 7.5. Bella Coola -- 7.5.1 Basic Data -- 7.5.2 Unsyllabified Segments: Bagemihl 1991 -- 7.5.3 Semisyllable Analysis -- 7.6. Conclusion -- 7.6.1 Stress and Semisyllables -- 7.6.2 Cross-Linguistic Variation -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 8 Onsets and Nonmoraic Syllables in German -- 8.1. Syllable Structure -- 8.2. Onsets.

8.2.1 Data -- 8.2.2 An OT Analysis -- 8.3. [g] after the Dorsal Nasal -- 8.3.1 Data -- 8.3.2 Optimality-Theoretic Analysis -- 8.4. [h] -- 8.4.1 Data -- 8.4.2 OT Analysis -- 8.5. Glottal Stop -- 8.6. Conclusion -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 9 Extrasyllabic Consonants and Onset Well-Formedness -- 9.1. Introduction -- 9.2. Sonority Restrictions at Syllable Contact: Icelandic -- 9.3. Extrasyllabic Consonants in Word-Initial Position: Attic Greek -- 9.4. Syllabification and Epenthesis in Munster Irish -- 9.5. Summary -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 10 Beyond Codas -- 10.1. Introduction -- 10.2. Theoretical Framework -- 10.3. Aligning Edges to Consonants and Vowels -- 10.3.1 ALIGN-R(Phrase, C) -- 10.3.2 ALIGN-R(Phrase, V) -- 10.3.3 ALIGN-R(PW, C) -- 10.3.4 ALIGN-R(PW, V) -- 10.4. Toleration of Input: Extrametricality as Alignment -- 10.4.1 ALIGN-R(Sigma, V) -- 10.4.2 COMPLEX -- 10.5. Conclusions -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- PART FOUR SEGMENTS AND SYLLABLES -- 11 On the Sources of Opacity in OT -- 11.1. Introduction -- 11.2. Coda Conditions as [M&M] Conjunctions -- 11.3. [M&F] Conjunctions and Opacity -- 11.3.1 Opaque Interactions I: Cluster Simplification and Devoicing -- 11.3. 2 Nonsolutions to Opacity -- 11.3.3 Opacity as a Constraint Conjunction Effect -- 11.3.4 Opaque Interactions II: Spirantization and Devoicing -- 11.4. Conclusion -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 12 Ambisyllabicity and Fricative Voicing in West Germanic Dialects -- 12.1. Introduction -- 12.2. Frisian -- 12.2.1 Fricative Voicing in Frisian: Facts -- 12.2.1.1 The Regular Pattern -- 12.2.1.2 Exceptions -- 12.2.2 A Solution Based on Ambisyllabicity -- 12.2.2.1 The General Pattern -- 12.2.2.2 Long Consonants and Exceptions within a Morpheme -- 12.2.2.3 Fricatives at the End of a Morpheme -- 12.2.2.4 Fricatives in the Coda and in the Word-Initial Onset -- 12.2.3 Moras -- 12.2.4 Conclusion and Remaining Issues.

12.3. Other West Germanic Dialects -- 12.3.1 Thurgovian German -- 12.3.2 Roermond Dutch -- 12.3.2.1 Basic Patterns and Possible Exceptions in Intervocalic Contexts -- 12.3.2.2 The Word-Initial Position -- 12.3.2.3 The Roermond Dutch Pattern -- 12.3.3 Standard Dutch -- 12.4. Conclusions -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 13 The CiV-Generalization in Dutch -- 13.1. Introduction -- 13.2. The CiV-Generalization -- 13.2.1 Tense and Lax Vowels in Dutch -- 13.2.2 The Data -- 13.2.3 Why the CiV-Generalization Is in Need of Closer Scrutiny -- 13.2.3.1 Sievers's Law in Dutch -- 13.2.4 Markedness -- 13.3. The Analysis of CiV-Data -- 13.4. Two Alternative Approaches -- 13.4.1 CiV and the Issue of Tenseness versus Length -- 13.4.2 An Alternative Based on Morpheme Structure Constraints -- 13.5. Conclusion -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- 14 The Relative Harmony of /s+Stop/ Onsets -- 14.1. Introduction -- 14.2. The Sonority Sequencing Principle and Optimality Theory -- 14.3.The Typology of Obstruent Clusters -- 14.4. Conclusion -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- PART FIVE HOW CONCRETE IS PHONOTACTICS? -- 15 The Independent Nature of Phonotactic Constraints -- 15.1. Introduction -- 15.2. Where Syllable-Based Phonotactics Fail -- 15.3. Phonotactic Patterns and Emergent Universals -- 15.3.1 Laryngeal Features -- 15.3.2 Place Features -- 15.3.3 Extensions of Place Distribution -- 15.4. The Nature of Phonotactic Constraints -- 15.5. Phonotactic Constraints in Optimality Theory -- 15.5.1 Constraint Violability -- 15.5.2 Toward a Theory of Markedness -- NOTES -- REFERENCES -- Author Index -- Languages Index -- Subject Index.

This 2003 book covers the role of the syllable in Optimality Theory.

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Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, Michigan : ProQuest Ebook Central, 2018. Available via World Wide Web. Access may be limited to ProQuest Ebook Central affiliated libraries.

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